• Totem pole, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

  • Totem pole 

  • From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  • Totem poles are typically carved from the trunks of Thuja plicata trees (popularly called "giant cedar" or "western red cedar"), which decay eventually in therainforest environment of the Northwest Coast. Thus, few examples of poles carved before 1900 exist. Noteworthy examples include those at the Royal British Columbia Museum in Victoria and the Museum of Anthropology at UBCin Vancouver , dating as far back as 1880. While 18th-century accounts of European explorers along the coast indicate that poles existed prior to 1800, they were smaller and fewer in number than in subsequent decades.
  • The freestanding poles seen by the first European explorers were likely preceded by a long history of monumental carving, particularly of interior house posts.The scholar Eddie Malin has proposed that totem poles progressed from house posts, funerary containers, and memorial markers into symbols of clan and family wealth and prestige. He argues that the Haida people of the islands ofHaida Gwaii originated carving of the poles, and that the practice spread outward to the Tsimshian and Tlingit , and then down the coast to the tribes ofBritish Columbia and northern Washington .[1] This is supported by the photographic history of the Northwest Coast and the deeper sophistication of Haida poles. The regional stylistic differences among poles can be attributed to application of existing regional artistic styles to a new medium. Early 20th-century theories, such as those of the anthropologist Marius Barbeau , who considered the poles a post-contact phenomenon enabled by the introduction of metal tools, were treated with skepticism at the time and have been discredited in light of the above evidence.[citation needed ]
  • The disruptions following American and European trade and settlement first led to a flowering of totem pole carving and then to a decline in the Alaska Nativeand First Nations cultures and their crafts. The widespread importation of iron and steel tools from Britain, the United States and China led to much more rapid and accurate production of carved wooden goods, including poles. Historians have not determined if iron tools were introduced by traders, or whether Alaska Natives produced iron tools from drift iron recovered from shipwrecks; the presence of trading vessels and exploration ships simplified the acquisition of iron tools, the use of which most likely would have enhanced totem pole construction.[citation needed ]
  • The Maritime Fur Trade gave rise to a tremendous accumulation of wealth among the coastal peoples, and much of this wealth was spent and distributed in lavish potlatches frequently associated with the construction and erection of totem poles. Poles were commissioned by many wealthy leaders to represent their social status and the importance of their families and clans. By the 19th century, certain Christian missionaries reviled the totem pole as an object of heathen worship; they urged converts to cease production and destroy existing poles.[2]
  • Due to United States and Canadian policies and practices of acculturation and assimilation, Alaska Natives sharply reduced their production of totem poles at the end of the 19th century. In the mid-20th century, a combination of cultural,linguistic , and artistic revival, along with intense scholarly scrutiny and the continuing fascination and support of an educated and empathetic public, led to a renewal and extension of this moribund artistic tradition. Freshly carved totem poles are being erected up and down the coast. Related artistic production is pouring forth in many new and traditional media, ranging from tourist trinkets to masterful works in wood, stone, blown and etched glass, and many other traditional and non-traditional media.
  • Today a number of successful native artists carve totem poles on commission, usually taking the opportunity to educate apprentices in the demanding art of traditional carving and its concomitant joinery . Such modern poles are almost always executed in traditional styles, although some artists have felt free to include modern subject matter or use nontraditional styles in their execution.The commission for a modern pole ranges in the tens of thousands of dollars; the time spent carving after initial designs are completed usually lasts about a year, so the commission essentially functions as the artist's primary means of income during the period. Totem poles take about 6–12 months to complete.
  • Meaning and purpose[edit  ]

  • 의미와 의도

  • The meanings of the designs on totem poles are as varied as the cultures that make them. Totem poles may recount familiar legends, clan lineages, or notable events. Some poles celebrate cultural beliefs while others are mostly artistic.Certain types of totem poles are part of mortuary structures, and incorporate grave boxes with carved supporting poles, or recessed backs for grave boxes.Poles illustrate stories that commemorate historic persons, represent shamanic powers, or provide objects of public ridicule.
  • 토템폴 디자인의 의미는 토템폴을 만드는 문화만큼 다양하다. 토템폴은 익숙한 전설, 씨족 계보나 주목할만한 이벤트를 묘사할지도 모른다. 토템폴들은 주로 예술을 표현하는데, 어떤 토템폴들은 문화적인 믿음을 세상에 알린다. 특정 유형의 토템폴들은 매장구조물의 일부이다. 그것들은 깎아 만든 토템폴이 달린 유골함이나 유골함의 오목한 부분을 포함한다. 토템폴은 역사적 인물을 기리고, 주술사의 힘을 상징하거나, 공공의 조롱의 대상을 제공하는 등의 이야기를 묘사한다.
  • "Some of the figures on the poles constitute symbolic reminders of quarrels, murders, debts, and other unpleasant occurrences about which the Native Americans prefer to remain silent... The most widely known tales, like those of the exploits of Raven and of Kats who married the bear woman, are familiar to almost every native of the area. Carvings which symbolize these tales are sufficiently conventionalized to be readily recognizable even by persons whose lineage did not recount them as their own legendary history." (Reed 2003).
  • "토템폴의 몇몇 상들은 북미 토착민들이 침묵하기를 선호했던 싸움, 살인, 부채, 기타 불쾌한 사건들의 상징적인 기념물입니다. 까마귀의 묘기나 곰 여인과 결혼한 캣츠 같이, 아주 널리 알려진 이야기들은 거의 모든 북미 토착민 지역에서 발견됩니다. 그들 자신의 전설적인 역사로 그 혈통을 묘사하지 않는 사람들 마저도 쉽게 알아볼 수 있도록 이 이야기들을 상징하는 조각은 충분히 관습화 되어 있습니다." (리드 2003)
  • House front poles were meant to show the success of the families.
  • 집앞 토템폴은 그 가족의 성공을 보여준다.
  • Totem poles were never objects of worship. Very early European explorers thought they were worshipped, but later explorers such as Jean-François de La Pérouse noted that totem poles were never treated reverently; they seemed only occasionally to generate allusions or illustrate stories, and were usually left to rot in place when people abandoned a village. The association with "idol worship" was an idea from local Christian missionaries of the nineteenth century, who considered their association with Shamanism as an occult practice.
  • 토템폴은 절대 숭배의 대상이 아니다. 맨 처음에 유럽 탐험가들은 토템폴이 숭배의 대상이라고 생각했었지만 나중에 라 페루즈 같은 탐험가들은 토템폴을 절대 경건하게 대해서는 안 된다고 지적했따. 토템폴은 종종 암시와 이야기를 설명하기 위해 만들어졌던 것 같고, 종종 마을 사람들이 마을을 버리고 떠날 때 남겨져 썩어버리기도 했다. "우상 숭배"와 관련된 생각은 19세기에 현지에 온 기독교 선교사들에게서 시작되었다. 선교사들은 초자연적 행위로서 샤머니즘이 토템폴과 관련되어 있다고 생각했었다.
  • The vertical order of images is widely believed to be a significant representation of importance. This idea is so pervasive that it has entered into common parlance with the phrase "low man on the totem pole". This phrase is indicative of the most common belief of ordering importance, that the higher figures on the pole are more important or prestigious. A counterargument frequently heard is that figures are arranged in a "reverse hierarchy" style, with the most important representations being on the bottom, and the least important being on top. There have never been any restrictions on vertical order; many poles have significant figures on the top, others on the bottom, and some in the middle. Other poles have no vertical arrangement at all, consisting of a lone figure atop an undecorated column.
  • 사람들은 토템폴에서 볼 수 있는 수직 배열이 상당히 중요한 표현이라고들 생각한다. 이런 생각은 "토템폴의 밑바닥 사람"이라는 일반적인 표현이 생겨날 정도로 널리 퍼져 있다. 이 표현은 배열 순서가 중요하다고 생각하는 게 매우 일반적이라는 걸 암시한다. 토템폴 위쪽에 있는 상이 좀 더 중요하고 품격있다고 여기는 것이다. 그에 대한 흔한 반론은 토템의 상들이 계급의 역순으로 배열되었다는 것이다. 제일 중요한 상이 아래쪽에 오고, 제일 중요하지 않은 상이 위쪽에 있는, 이른바 "역 위계" 스타일이다. 그러나 수직 배열에는 아무런 제한도 없다. 토템폴 대부분이 위쪽에 의미있는 상이 있지만, 어떤 토템폴에는 아래쪽에 있으며, 또 어떤 토템폴에는 중간에도 있다. 심지어 어떤 토템폴에는 수직 배열이 전혀 없다. 장식 없는 기둥 꼭대기에 상이 달랑 하나만 있는 경우도 있다.
  • Sometimes a very exclusive or prestigious family crest is placed on the bottom.There it supports the remainder of the crests above. Placing a figure on the bottom increases its prominence as a feature of the pole, as trees are thicker towards the base, increasing the bottom figure's size. Placement on the bottom also brings that figure closer to the people, increasing their interaction with that crest. Haida doorways are often seen embedded in the bottoms of house-frontal poles. These were kept deliberately small. To enter, guests and members of the house would need to bow in respect to the supporting crest of the pole.
  • 종종 가족 고유의 품격있는 장식이 토템폴의 아래쪽에 온다. 그것은 위쪽에 있는 나머지 장식들을 뒷받침한다. 토템폴의 아래쪽에 있는 상들은 토템폴의 특징으로서 그 영향력을 발휘한다. 마치 나무의 밑둥이 더 두꺼운 것 같이 아래쪽 상의 크기가 커지는 것으로써 말이다. 토템폴 아래쪽에 있으면 그만큼 사람들에게 가깝기 때문에, 사람들과 장식의 상호작용이 늘어난다. 하이다족의 현관에는 흔히 집앞 토템폴이 파묻혀 있다. 이 토템폴들은 일부러 작게 만들어진 것이다. 손님들이나 집안 사람들은 집에 들어가기 위해서 이 토템폴의 장식에 존경의 뜻을 나타내는 인사를 할 필요가 있었다.
  • Conversely, the tops of Haida poles often feature a family's moiety-crest. Haidas come from one of two moieties and identify primarily as the descendants of an eagle or a raven-associated family. This 'primary' crest could be said to be more important as the first level of family identity and societal structure, or less important as one of the most common and least exclusive crests.
  • 반면에, 하이다족 토템폴의 윗부분에는 대체로 가족 고유의 장식이 조각된다. 하이다족은 스스로를 독수리나 까마귀의 자손 둘 중에 하나라고 여기는 게 일반적인데 이 중에 하나를 토템폴의 윗부붓에 조각한다. 이런 기본 장식은 가족 수준의 정체성과 사회 구조만큼이나 중요한 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 일반적인 장식인지 한정된 장식인지도 약간 중요하다.
  • Given the complexity and meaning of symbolism in Haida totem poles, which figure is most important could be considered arbitrary. The importance of each crest is in the observer's informedness and connection to the meanings of each figure. Asserting that one figure, story, or history is more important than another because of its placement on a pole may reflect the observer's own cultural perceptions of hierarchy than the actual significance of the figures.
  • 하이다족 토템폴의 복잡성과 상징적 표현의 의미를 감안하면, 어떤 장식이 제일 중요한지는 임의적이다. 각 장식의 중요성은 보는 사람의 사전지식과 각 장식의 의미와의 관계에 달려 있다. 어떤 장식이 토템폴에서 어디에 위치하는지는 장식의 원래 중요성보다 보는 사람 스스로의 문화에 따른 위계 인지에 달려 있기 때문에, 어떤 장식이나 이야기 또는 역사는 다른 것보다 좀 더 중요하다고 주장할 수 있다.
  • Shame poles[edit  ]

  • 부끄러움 토템폴

  • Poles used for public ridicule are usually called "shame poles", and were created to shame individuals or groups for unpaid debts.[3] They are often placed in prominent locations.[4] Shame poles are rarely discussed today, and their meanings have been forgotten in many places.[citation needed ] They formed an important subset of poles carved throughout the 19th century.
  • One famous shame pole is the Seward Pole in Saxman Alaska . It was apparently created to shame the former U.S. Secretary of State for not repaying a potlatch to the Tlingit people. The intent of the shame pole was indicated by the figure's nose and ears being painted red, to indicate his stinginess. It is a common misconception that the Lincoln pole, also located in Saxman, is a shame pole, but it was erected to commemorate the U.S Revenue Cutter Lincoln in its role in helping two rival Tlingit clans establish peace.[citation needed ]
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  • Another example of the shame pole is the Three Frogs Pole in Wrangell , Alaska.This pole was erected by Chief Shakes to shame the Kiks.ádi clan into repaying a debt incurred by three of their slaves, who impregnated some young women in Shakes's clan. When the Kiks.ádi leaders refused to pay support for the illegitimate children, Shakes had the pole commissioned to represent the three slaves as frogs, the frog being the primary crest of the Kiks.ádi clan. The debt was never repaid, and the pole still stands next to the Chief Shakes Tribal House in Wrangell. This pole's unique crossbar shape has become popularly associated with the town of Wrangell. Not understanding the meaning of the pole, European Americans used its crossbar shape as part of the title design of theWrangell Sentinel newspaper, which continues to use the design.[5]
  • In 1942, the government[which? ] commissioned a pole to commemorateAlexander Baranof , the Russian governor and Russian American Company manager, as a works project. Designed by George Benson, it stands in Totem Square, in downtown Sitka .[6] The pole was carved by CCC workers in Wrangell in 1942, who competed with those of Sitka.[7] They depicted Baranov as naked.[8] Due to safety concerns, after a Sitka Tribe of Alaska -sponsored removal ceremony, the pole was lowered on October 20, 2010, with funds from the Alaska Dept. of Health and Social Services. The Sitka Sentinel reported that while standing, it was "said to be the most photographed totem [pole] in Alaska".[6]
  • Totem poles outside of original context[edit  ]

  • 본래 흐름을 벗어난 토템폴

  • When poles are removed from their original context their meaning changes.Poles used in the CCC-created totem parks of Southeast Alaska were removed from their original places as funerary and crest poles to be copied or repaired and then placed in parks based on English and French garden designs to demystify their meaning for tourists.[11]
  • 토템폴이 본래 흐름에서 벗어났을 때 토템폴의 의미가 변했다.
  • Construction and maintenance[edit  ]

  • 건설과 관리

  • Erection of a totem pole is almost never done using modern methods, even for poles installed in modern settings on the outside of public and private buildings.Instead, the traditional ceremony and process of erection is still followed scrupulously by most artists, in that a great wooden scaffold is built, and hundreds of strong men haul the pole upright into its footing, while others steady the pole from side ropes and brace it with cross beams. Once the pole is complete, a potlatch is typically held where the carver is formally paid and other traditional activities are conducted. The carver will usually, once the pole is freestanding, perform a celebratory and propitiatory dance next to the pole while wielding the tools used to carve it. Also, the base of the pole is burnt before erection to provide a sort of rot resistance.
  • 대부분 현대적인 방식으로 토템폴을 건설하지 않는다. 공공 건물이나 개인 건물 외부에 설치되는 현대적인 토템폴 역시 마찬가지다. 큰 나무 발판이 내장되어 있다는 점, 토템폴을 세우기 위해서 건장한 남자 수백명이 동원된다는 점을 볼 때, 예술가들이 대부분 전통적인 의례와 건설과정을 성실히 따른다고 볼 수 있지만, 보조 옆줄로 토템을 안정시키고 막대로 토템을 버티도록 하는 점은 달라진 부분이다. 토템폴이 완성되면, 일반적으로 잔치를 벌인다. 잔치에서 토템폴 조각가는 공식적으로 대금을 받으며 다른 전통 행사도 같이 개최된다. 토템폴이 바로 서면, 조각가는 대부분 조각에 사용한 장비를 휘두르며 토템폴 옆에서 축하와 화해의 춤을 춘다. 그리고 썩는 것을 막기 위해, 토템폴 건설 전에 토템폴 기단을 불 태운다.
  • Totem poles are typically not well maintained after their erection. Traditionally once the wood rots so badly that it begins to lean and pose a threat to passersby, the pole is either destroyed or pushed over and removed. Older poles typically fall over during the winter storms that batter the coast. A totem pole rarely lasts over 100 years. A collapsed pole may be replaced by a new one carved more or less the same as the original, with the same subject matter, but this requires a new payment and potlatch and is thus not always done. The beliefs behind the lack of maintenance vary among individuals, but generally it is believed that the deterioration of the pole is representative of natural processes of decay and death that occur with all living things, and attempts to prevent this are seen as somehow denying or ignoring the nature of the world.
  • 건설 후에는 대부분 토템폴을 잘 관리하지 않는다. 쓰러지기 시작하거나 행인을 위협할 수 있기 때문에, 나무로 만든 토템폴이 썩으면 부수거나 쓰러뜨리거나 없애는 전통이 있었다. 오래된 토템폴은 대개 겨울동안 해안을 강타하는 폭풍으로 쓰러졌다. 100년 넘게 유지되는 토템폴은 거의 없다. 쓰러진 토템폴은 원래 토템폴과 같은 주제로 비슷하게 새로 깎아서 대체했을 것이다. 이 경우에 조각가에게 다시 대금을 치르거나 잔치를 벌여야 하지만 항상 그랬던 건 아니다. 토템폴을 관리하지 않는 것 기저의 믿음은 개인마다 다르다. 그러나 일반적으로 토템폴이 낡는 것은 모든 생명에서 발견되는 노화와 죽음의 자연스러운 과정의 재현으로 믿었다. 그래서 이를 거부하는 시도를 세계의 본성을 거부하고 무시하는 일로 여겼다.
  • This has not, however, prevented many people from occasionally renewing the paint on poles or performing further restorations, mostly because the expense of a new pole is beyond feasibility for the owner. Also, owners of poles who are not familiar with cultural traditions may see upkeep as a necessary investment for property, and ignore the philosophical implications.
  • 그렇지만 이런 믿음이 때때로 토템폴에 다시 색을 칠하거나 수리하는 것까지 금지하지는 않았다. 새로 토템폴을 만드는 비용은 소유주 대부분에게 불가능한 정도였기 때문이다. 게다가, 전통 문화에 익숙하지 않은 토템폴 소유주들은 토템폴 유지비를 토템폴을 소유하기 위해 필요한 투자로 보곤 했고, 그 철학적 의미를 무시했다.
  • Each culture typically has complex rules and customs regarding designs represented on poles. The designs are generally considered the property of a particular clan or family group, and this ownership may not be transferred to the owner of a pole. As such, pictures, paintings, and other copies of the designs are often seen as an infringement of possessory rights of a certain family or cultural group. Many Native artists, Native organizations and Native governments note that the ownership of the artistic designs represented on a pole should be respected as private property to the same extent that the pole is property. They ask that public display and sale of pictures and other representations of totem pole designs should be cleared with both the owners of the pole and the cultural group or tribal government associated with the designs on the pole.
  • Totem poles in general are not the exclusive cultural property of a single culture, so the designs are not easily protected. The appropriation by art and tourist trinket worlds of Northwest Coast American culture has resulted in production of cheap imitations of totem poles, executed with little or no knowledge of the complex stylistic conventions demanded by Northwest Coast art. These include imitation styles made by other First Nations and Native American peoples in the various parts of Canada and the American Southwest. This proliferation of "totem junk" has diluted the public interest and respect for the artistic skill and deep cultural knowledge required to produce a pole.
  • In the early 1990s, the Haisla First Nation of the Pacific Northwest began a lengthy struggle to repatriate a sacred totem from Sweden's Museum of Ethnography .[13][14] Their successful efforts were documented in a NFBdocumentary by Gil Cardinal, Totem: The Return of the G'psgolox Pole.[15]
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  • From Saxman Totem Park, Ketchikan, Alaska
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  • From Saxman Totem Park, Ketchikan, Alaska
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  • The world's tallest totem pole, near Alert Bay
  • The title of "The World's Tallest Totem Pole" is or has at one time been claimed by several towns along the coast:
  • - Victoria, British Columbia (Beacon Hill Park) — 127.5 ft (38.862 m), Kwakwaka'wakw, carved by Mungo Martin with Henry Hunt and David Martin
  • - Vancouver British Columbia (Maritime Museum) — 100 ft (30.5 m), Kwakwaka'wakw, carved by Mungo Martin with Henry Hunt and David Martin
  • There are disputes over which is genuinely the tallest, depending on constraints such as construction from a single log or the affiliation of the carver.Competition for making the tallest pole is still prevalent, although it is becoming more difficult to procure trees of such heights.
  • The thickest totem pole ever carved to date is in Duncan, British Columbia , carved by Richard Hunt in 1988, and measures over 6 ft (1.8 m) in diameter. It is carved in the Kwakwaka'wakw style, and represents Cedar Man transforming into his human form.
  • Standing a total of 173 feet (53 m) tall, the world's tallest totem pole is composed of two pieces of 168 and 5 feet (51 and 1.5 m). This one is in Alert Bay, British Columbia.
  • Similar structures[edit  ]

  • 유사 구조물

  • Poles similar to totem poles are also found elsewhere in the world. Due to their similarities to totem poles, they are often described as being totem poles.[citation needed ] Notable cultures with such example of having a totem pole-like objects are those by indigenous people of Jilin , northeast China; the Koreans ; the Ainu , indigenous people of north Japan; and the Māori , indigenous people of New Zealand.
  • 토템폴과 유사한 기둥은 세계 여러 곳에서 발견된다. 토템폴과 유사하기 때문에, 그 기둥은 종종 토템폴인 것처럼 묘사된다. 토템폴 같은 것을 만든 유명한 문화로 중국 북동부 길림성, 한국, 아이누족, 일본 북부 토착민, 마오리, 뉴질랜드 토착민들을 들 수 있다.
  • Mundha is a one-piece decorative wooden pillar carved by a Madia Gondbridegroom in India after he is engaged. It is kept in front of the community dormitory (ghotul ) during his marriage ceremony. The Madia Gond are residents of Bhamragad Taluka , of Gadchiroli District , of Maharashtra India .[16]
  • 문다는 인도의 마디아족 신랑이 약혼 후에 통나무 기둥을 깎아 만든 장식이다. 문다는 결혼식 중에 공동체 숙소 앞에 세워진다. 마디아족은 인도의 게드치로리 주 밤라게드 타루카와 마하라쉬트라에 살고 있다.
  • - Jump up ^ Keithahn, Edward (1963). Monuments in Cedar. Superior Pub. Co.p. 56.
  • - Jump up ^ Sheldon Jackson Museum, Sitka, AK. Accessed 23 August 2011
  • - Jump up ^ Emily, Moore (31 March 2012). Decoding Totems in the New Deal(Speech). Wooshteen Kanaxtulaneegí Haa At Wuskóowu / Sharing Our Knowledge, A conference of Tlingit Tribes and Clans: Haa eetí ḵáa yís / For Those Who Come After Us. Sitka, Alaska. Retrieved 31 March 2012.
Image of 1984 article
  • - Barbeau, Marius (1950) Totem Poles. 2 vols. (Anthropology Series 30, National Museum of Canada Bulletin 119.) Ottawa: National Museum of Canada.
  • - Reed, Ishmael (ed.) (2003) From Totems to Hip-Hop: A Multicultural Anthology of Poetry across the Americas, 1900-2002. ISBN 1-56025-458-0 .
  • - Averill, Lloyd J., and Daphne K. Morris (1995) Northwest Coast Native and Native-Style Art: A Guidebook for Western Washington. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
  • - Brindze, Ruth (1951) The Story of the Totem Pole. New York: Vanguard Press.
  • - Garfield, Viola E. (1951) Meet the Totem. Sitka, Alaska: Sitka Printing Company.
  • - Halpin, Marjorie M. (1981) Totem Poles: an illustrated guide. Vancouver: UBC Press.
  • - Hassett, Dawn, and F. W. M. Drew (1982) Totem Poles of Prince Rupert. Prince Rupert, BC: Museum of Northern British Columbia.
  • - Hoyt-Goldsmith, Diane (1990) Totem Pole. New York: Holiday House.
  • - Huteson, Pamela Rae. (2002) Legends in Wood, Stories of the Totems. Tigard, Or: Greatland Classic Sales. ISBN 1-886462-51-8
  • - Macnair, Peter L., Alan L. Hoover, and Kevin Neary (1984) The Legacy: Tradition and Innovation in Northwest Coast Indian Art. Vancouver, BC: Douglas & McIntyre.
  • - Meuli, Jonathan (2001) Shadow House: Interpretations of Northwest Coast Art.Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers.
  • - Smyly, John, and Carolyn Smyly (1973) Those Born at Koona: The Totem Poles of the Haida Village Skedans, Queen Charlotte Islands. Saanichton, BC: Hancock House.
  • - Stewart, Hilary (1979) Looking at Indian Art of the Northwest Coast.Vancouver, BC: Douglas & McIntyre.
  • - Stewart, Hilary (1993). Looking at Totem Poles. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 0-295-97259-9 .
  • - Wherry, Joseph H. (1964) The Totem Pole Indians. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company.
  • - The Conservation of Totem Poles [1]
  • 관련 노트
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